The title of this paper, "The Psychology of Atheism," may seem strange. Certainly, my psychological colleagues have found it odd and even, I might add, a little disturbing. After all, psychology, since its founding roughly a century ago, has often focused on the opposite topic-namely the psychology of religious belief. Indeed, in many respects the origins of modern psychology are intimately bound up with the psychologists who explicitly proposed interpretations of belief in God.
William
James and Sigmund Freud, for example, were both personally and
professionally deeply involved in the topic. Recall The
Will to Believe by
James, as well as his still famous Varieties
of Religious Experience.
These two works are devoted to an attempt at understanding belief as
the result of psychological, that is natural, causes. James might
have been sympathetic to religion, but his own position was one of
doubt and skepticism and his writings were part of psychology's
general undermining of religious faith. As for Sigmund Freud, his
critiques of religion, in particular Christianity, are well known and
will be discussed in some detail later. For now, it is enough to
remember how deeply involved Freud and his thought have been with the
question of God and religion.
Given
the close involvement between the founding of much of psychology and
a critical interpretation of religion, it should not be surprising
that most psychologists view with some alarm any attempt to propose a
psychology of atheism. At the very least such a project puts many
psychologists on the defensive and gives them some taste of their own
medicine. Psychologists are always observing and interpreting others
and it is high time that some of them learn from their own personal
experience what it is like to be put under the microscope of
psychological theory and experiment. Regardless, I hope to show that
the psychological concepts used quite effectively to interpret
religion are two- edged swords that can also be used to interpret
atheism. Sauce for the believer is equally sauce for the unbeliever.
Before
beginning, however, I wish to make two points bearing on the
underlying assumption of my remarks. First, I assume that the major
barriers to belief in God are not rational but-in a general sense-
can be called psychological. I do not wish to offend the many
distinguished philosophers-both believers and nonbelievers-in this
audience, but I am quite convinced that for every person strongly
swayed by rational argument there are many, many more affected by
nonrational psychological factors.
The
human heart-no one can truly fathom it or know all its deceits, but
at least it is the proper task of the psychologist to try. Thus, to
begin, I propose that neurotic psychological barriers to belief in
God are of great importance. What some of these might be I will
mention shortly. For believers, therefore, it is important to keep in
mind that psychological motives and pressures that one is often
unaware of, often lie behind unbelief.
One
of the earliest theorists of the unconscious, St. Paul, wrote, "I
can will what is right, but I cannot do it . . . I see in my members
another law at war with the law of my mind . . ." (Rom. 7:18,
23). Thus, it seems to me sound theology as well as sound psychology
that psychological factors can be impediments to belief as well as
behavior, and that these may often be unconscious factors as well.
Further, as a corollary it is reasonable to propose that people vary
greatly in the extent to which these factors are present in their
lives. Some of us have been blessed with an upbringing, a
temperament, social environment, and other gifts that have made
belief in God a much easier thing than many who have suffered more or
have been raised in a spiritually impoverished environment or had
other difficulties with which to cope. Scripture makes it clear that
many children-even into the third or fourth generation-suffer from
the sins of their fathers, including the sins of fathers who may have
been believers. In short, my first point is that some people have
much more serious psychological barriers to belief than others, a
point consistent with the scriptures' clear statement that we are not
to judge others, however much we are called to correct evil.
My
second point as qualification is that in spite of serious
difficulties to belief, all of us still have a free choice to accept
God or reject Him. This qualification is not in contradiction to the
first. Perhaps a little elaboration will make this clearer. One
person, as a consequence of his particular past, present environment,
etc., may find it much harder than most people to believe in God. But
presumably, at any moment, certainly at many times, he can choose to
move toward God or to move away. One man may start with so many
barriers that even after years of slowly choosing to move toward God
he may still not be there. Some may die before they reach belief. We
assume they will be judged-like all of us- on how far they traveled
toward God and how well they loved others-on how well they did with
what they had. Likewise, another man without psychological
difficulties at all is still free to reject God, and no doubt many
do. Thus, although the ultimate issue is one of the will and our
sinful nature, it is still possible to investigate those
psychological factors that predispose one to unbelief, that make the
road to belief in God especially long and hard.
The Psychology of Atheism: Social and Personal Motives
There
seems to be a widespread assumption throughout much of the Western
intellectual community that belief in God is based on all kinds of
irrational immature needs and wishes, but atheism or skepticism is
derived from a rational, no- nonsense appraisal of the way things
really are. To begin a critique of this assumption, I start with my
own case history.
As
some of you know, after a rather weak, wishy-washy Christian
upbringing, I became an atheist in college in the 1950s and remained
so throughout graduate school and my first years as a young
experimental psychologist on the faculty at New York University. That
is, I am an adult convert or, more technically, a reconvert to
Christianity who came back to the faith, much to his surprise, in my
late thirties in the very secular environment of academic psychology
in New York City.
I
am not going into this to bore you with parts of my life story, but
to note that through reflection on my own experience it is now clear
to me that my reasons for becoming and for remaining an
atheist-skeptic from about age 18 to 38 were superficial, irrational,
and largely without intellectual or moral integrity. Furthermore, I
am convinced that my motives were, and still are, commonplace today
among intellectuals, especially social scientists.
The
major factors involved in my becoming an atheist-although I wasn't
really aware of them at the time-were as follows.
General
socialization. An
important influence on me in my youth was a significant social
unease. I was somewhat embarrassed to be from the Midwest, for it
seemed terribly dull, narrow, and provincial. There was certainly
nothing romantic or impressive about being from Cincinnati, Ohio and
from a vague mixed German-English-Swiss background. Terribly middle
class. Further, besides escape from a dull, and according to me
unworthy, socially embarrassing past, I wanted to take part in, in
fact to be comfortable in, the new, exciting, even glamorous, secular
world into which I was moving. I am sure that similar motives have
strongly influenced the lives of countless upwardly mobile young
people in the last two centuries. Consider Voltaire, who moved into
the glittery, aristocratic, sophisticated world of Paris, and who
always felt embarrassed about his provincial and nonaristocratic
origin; or the Jewish ghettos that so many assimilating Jews have
fled, or the latest young arrival in New York, embarrassed about his
fundamentalist parents. This kind of socialization pressure has
pushed many away from belief in God and all that this belief is
associated with for them.
I
remember a small seminar in graduate school where almost every member
there at some time expressed this kind of embarrassment and response
to the pressures of socialization into "modern life." One
student was trying to escape his Southern Baptist background, another
a small town Mormon environment, a third was trying to get out of a
very Jewish Brooklyn ghetto, and the fourth was me.
Specific
socialization. Another
major reason for my wanting to become an atheist was that I desired
to be accepted by the powerful and influential scientists in the
field of psychology. In particular, I wanted to be accepted by my
professors in graduate school. As a graduate student I was thoroughly
socialized by the specific "culture" of academic research
psychology. My professors at Stanford, however much they might
disagree on psychological theory, were, as far as I could tell,
united in only two things-their intense personal career ambition and
their rejection of religion. As the psalmist says, ". . . The
man greedy for gain curses and renounces the Lord. In the pride of
his countenance the wicked does not seek him; all his thoughts are,
'There is no God'" (Psalm 10:3-4 [in O΄, Psalm
9:
24-25]).
In
this environment, just as I had learned how to dress like a college
student by putting on the right clothes, I also learned to "think"
like a proper psychologist by putting on the right-that is,
atheistic-ideas and attitudes.
Personal
convenience. Finally,
in this list of superficial, but nevertheless, strong irrational
pressures to become an atheist, I must list simple personal
convenience. The fact is that it is quite inconvenient to be a
serious believer in today's powerful secular and neo-pagan world. I
would have had to give up many pleasures and a good deal of time.
Without
going into details it is not hard to imagine the sexual pleasures
that would have to be rejected if I became a serious believer. And
then I also knew it would cost me time and some money. There would be
church services, church groups, time for prayer and scripture
reading, time spent helping others. I was already too busy.
Obviously, becoming religious would be a real inconvenience.
Now
perhaps you think that such reasons are restricted to especially
callow young men-like me in my twenties. However, such reasoning is
not so restricted. Here I will take up the case of Mortimer Adler, a
well known American philosopher, writer, and intellectual who has
spent much of his life thinking about God and religious topics. One
of his most recent books is titled How
to Think About God: A Guide for the 20th Century Pagan (1980).
In this work, Adler presses the argument for the existence of God
very strongly and by the latter chapters he is very close to
accepting the living God. Yet he pulls back and remains among "the
vast company of the religiously uncommitted" (Graddy, 1982). But
Adler leaves the impression that this decision is more one of will
than of intellect. As one of his reviewers notes (Graddy, 1982),
Adler confirms this impression in his autobiography, Philosopher
at Large (1976).
There, while investigating his reasons for twice stopping short of a
full religious commitment, he writes that the answer "lies in
the state of one's will, not in the state of one's mind." Adler
goes on to comment that to become seriously religious "would
require a radical change in my way of life . . ." and "The
simple truth of the matter is that I did not wish to live up to being
a genuinely religious person" (Graddy, p. 24).
There
you have it! A remarkably honest and conscious admission that being
"a genuinely religious person" would be too much trouble,
too inconvenient. I can't but assume that such are the shallow
reasons behind many an unbeliever's position.
In
summary, because of my social needs to assimilate, because of my
professional needs to be accepted as part of academic psychology, and
because of my personal needs for a convenient lifestyle-for all these
needs atheism was simply the best policy. Looking back on these
motives, I can honestly say that a return to atheism has all the
appeal of a return to adolescence.[2]
The Psychology of Atheism: Psychoanalytic Motives
As
is generally known, the central Freudian criticism of belief in God
is that such a belief is untrustworthy because of its psychological
origin. That is, God is a projection of our own intense, unconscious
desires; He is a wish fulfillment derived from childish needs for
protection and security. Since these wishes are largely unconscious,
any denial of such an interpretation is to be given little credence.
It should be noted that in developing this kind of critique, Freud
has raised the ad
hominem argument
to one of wide influence. It is in The
Future of an Illusion (1927,
1961) that Freud makes his position clearest:
[R]eligious ideas have arisen from the same needs as have all the other achievements of civilization: from the necessity of defending oneself against the crushing superior force of nature. (p. 21)
Therefore,
religious beliefs are:
illusions, fulfillments of the oldest, strongest
and most urgent wishes of mankind . . . As we
already know, the terrifying impression of
helplessness in childhood aroused the need for
protection-for protection through love-which
was provided by the father . . . Thus the benevolent rule of a divine Providence allays our fear of the danger of life. (p. 30)
Let
us look at this argument carefully, for in spite of the enthusiastic
acceptance of it by so many uncritical atheists and skeptics, it is
really a very weak position.
In
the first paragraph Freud fails to note that his arguments against
religious belief are, in his own words, equally valid against all the
achievements of civilization, including psychoanalysis itself. That
is, if the psychic origin of an intellectual achievement invalidates
its truth value, then physics, biology, much less psychoanalysis
itself, are vulnerable to the same charge.
In
the second paragraph Freud makes another strange claim, namely that
the oldest and most urgent wishes of mankind are for the loving
protecting guidance of a powerful loving Father, for divine
Providence. However, if these wishes were as strong and ancient as he
claims, one would expect pre-Christian religion to have strongly
emphasized God as a benevolent father. In general, this was far from
the case for the pagan religion of the Mediterranean world-and, for
example, is still not the case for such popular religions as Buddhism
and for much of Hinduism. Indeed, Judaism and most especially
Christianity are in many respects distinctive in the emphasis on God
as a loving Father.
However,
let us put these two intellectual gaffes aside and turn to another
understanding of his projection theory. It can be shown that this
theory is not really an integral part of psychoanalysis- and, thus
cannot claim fundamental support from psychoanalytic theory. It is
essentially an autonomous argument. Actually, Freud's critical
attitude toward and rejection of religion is rooted in his personal
predilections and is a kind of meta psychoanalysis-or background
framework which is not well connected to his more specifically
clinical concepts. (This separation or autonomy with respect to most
psychoanalytic theory very likely accounts for its influence outside
of psychoanalysis.) There are two pieces of evidence for this
interpretation of the projection theory.
The
first is that this theory had been clearly articulated many years
earlier by Ludwig Feuerbach in his book The
Essence of Christianity (1841,
1957). Feuerbach's interpretation was well-known in European
intellectual circles, and Freud, as a youth, read Feuerbach avidly
(see Gedo & Pollock, 1976, pp. 47, 350). Here are some
representative quotes from Feuerbach which make this clear:
What man misses- whether this be an articulate and therefore conscious, or an unconscious, need-that is his God. (1841, 1957, p. 33)
Man projects his nature into the world outside himself before he finds it in himself. (p. 11)
To live in projected dream-images is the essence of religion. Religion sacrifices reality to the projected dream. . . (p. 49)
Many
other quotes could be provided in which Feuerbach describes religion
in "Freudian" terms such as wish-fulfillment, etc. What
Freud did with this argument was to revive it in a more eloquent
form, and publish it at a later time when the audience desiring to
hear such a theory was much larger. And, of course, somehow the
findings and theory of psychoanalysis were implied as giving the
theory strong support. The Feuerbachian character of
Freud's Illusionposition
is also demonstrated by such notions as "the crushing superior
force of nature" and the "terrifying impression of
helplessness in childhood," which are not psychoanalytic in
terminology or in meaning.
The
other piece of evidence for the nonpsychoanalytic basis of the
projection theory comes directly from Freud, who explicitly says so
himself. In a letter of 1927 to his friend Oskar Pfister (an early
psychoanalyst, and believing Protestant pastor), Freud wrote:
Let us be quite clear on the point that the views expressed in my book (The Future of an Illusion) form no part of analytic theory. They are my personal views. (Freud/Pfister, 1963, p. 117).
There
is one other somewhat different interpretation of belief in God which
Freud also developed, but although this has a very modest
psychoanalytic character, it is really an adaptation of Feuerbachian
projection theory. This is Freud's relatively neglected
interpretation of the ego ideal. The super-ego, including the ego
ideal is the "heir of the Oedipus complex," representing a
projection of an idealized father-and presumably of God the Father
(see Freud, 1923, 1962, pp. 26-28; p. 38).
The
difficulty here is that the ego ideal did not really receive great
attention or development within Freud's writings. Furthermore, it is
easily interpreted as an adoption of Feuerbach's projection theory.
Thus, we can conclude that psychoanalysis does not in actuality
provide significant theoretical concepts for characterizing belief in
God as neurotic. Freud either used Feuerbach's much older projection
or illusion theory or incorporated Feuerbach in his notion of the ego
ideal. Presumably, this is the reason Freud acknowledged to Pfister
that hisIllusion book
was not a true part of psychoanalysis.
Atheism as Oedipal Wish Fulfillment
Nevertheless,
Freud is quite right to worry that a belief can be an illusion
because it derives from powerful wishes- from unconscious, childish
needs. The irony is that he clearly did provide a very powerful, new
way to understand the neurotic basis of atheism. (For a detailed
development of this position see Vitz and Gartner, 1984a, b; Vitz,
1986, in press.)
The Oedipus Complex
The
central concept in Freud's work, aside from the unconscious, is the
now well-known Oedipus Complex. In the case of male personality
development, the essential features of this complex are the
following: Roughly in the age period of three to six the boy develops
a strong sexual desire for the mother. At the same time the boy
develops an intense hatred and fear of the father, and a desire to
supplant him, a "craving for power." This hatred is based
on the boy's knowledge that the father, with his greater size and
strength, stands in the way of his desire. The child's fear of the
father may explicitly be a fear of castration by the father, but more
typically, it has a less specific character. The son does not really
kill the father, of course, but patricide is assumed to be a common
preoccupation of his fantasies and dreams. The "resolution"
of the complex is supposed to occur through the boy's recognition
that he cannot replace the father, and through fear of castration,
which eventually leads the boy to identify with the father, to
identify with the aggressor, and to repress the original frightening
components of the complex.
It
is important to keep in mind that, according to Freud, the Oedipus
complex is never truly resolved, and is capable of activation at
later periods-almost always, for example, at puberty. Thus the
powerful ingredients of murderous hate and of incestuous sexual
desire within a family context are never in fact removed. Instead,
they are covered over and repressed. Freud expresses the neurotic
potential of this situation:
The Oedipus-complex is the actual nucleus of neuroses . . . What remains of the complex in the unconscious represents the disposition to the later development of neuroses in the adult (Freud, 1919, Standard Edition, 17, p. 193; also 1905, S.E. 7, p. 226ff.; 1909, S.E., 11, p. 47).
In
short, all human neuroses derive from this complex. Obviously, in
most cases, this potential is not expressed in any seriously neurotic
manner. Instead it shows up in attitudes toward authority, in dreams,
slips of the tongue, transient irrationalities, etc.
Now,
in postulating a universal Oedipus complex as the origin of all our
neuroses, Freud inadvertently developed a straightforward rationale
for understanding the wish-fulfilling origin of rejecting God. After
all, the Oedipus complex is unconscious, it is established in
childhood and, above all, its dominant motive is hatred of the father
and the desire for him not to exist, especially as represented by the
desire to overthrow or kill the father. Freud regularly described God
as a psychological equivalent to the father, and so a natural
expression of Oedipal motivation would be powerful, unconscious
desires for the nonexistence of God. Therefore, in the Freudian
framework, atheism is an illusion caused by the Oedipal desire to
kill the father and replace him with oneself. To act as if God does
not exist is an obvious, not so subtle disguise for a wish to kill
Him, much the same way as in a dream, the image of a parent going
away or disappearing can represent such a wish: "God is dead"
is simply an undisguised Oedipal wish-fulfillment.
It
is certainly not hard to understand the Oedipal character of so much
contemporary atheism and skepticism. Hugh Heffner, even James Bond,
with their rejection of God plus their countless girls, are so
obviously living out Freud's Oedipal and primal rebellion
(e.g., Totem
and Taboo).
So are countless other skeptics who live out variations of the same
scenario of exploitative sexual permissiveness combined with
narcissistic self-worship.
And,
of course, the Oedipal dream is not only to kill the father and
possess the mother or other women in the group but also to displace
him. Modern atheism has attempted to accomplish this. Now man, not
God, is the consciously specified ultimate source of goodness and
power in the universe. Humanistic philosophies glorify him and his
"potential" much the same way religion glorifies the
Creator. We have devolved from one God to many gods to everyone a
god. In essence, man-through his narcissism and Oedipal wishes-has
tried to succeed where Satan failed, by seating himself on the throne
of God. Thanks to Freud it is now easier to understand the deeply
neurotic, thoroughly untrustworthy psychology of this unbelief.
One
interesting example of the Oedipal motivation proposed here is that
of Voltaire, a leading skeptic about all things religious who denied
the Christian and Jewish notion of a personal God-of God as a Father.
Voltaire was a theist or deist who believed in a cosmic,
depersonalized God of unknown character.
The
psychologically important thing about Voltaire is that he strongly
rejected his father-so much that he rejected his father's name and
took the name "Voltaire." It is not exactly certain where
the new name came from but one widely held interpretation is that it
was constructed from the letters of his mother's last name. When
Voltaire was in his early twenties (in 1718), he published a play
entitled "Oedipus" (Edipe), the first one of his plays to
be publicly performed. The play itself recounts the classic legend
with heavy allusions to religious and political rebellion. Throughout
his life, Voltaire (like Freud) toyed with the idea that he was not
his father's son. He apparently felt the desire to be from a higher,
more aristocratic family than his actual middle-class background. (A
major expression of this concern with having a more worthy father is
the play Candide.)
In short, Voltaire's hostility to his own father, his religious
rejection of God the Father, and his political rejection of the
king-an acknowledged father figure-are all reflections of the same
basic needs. Psychologically speaking, Voltaire's rebellion against
his father and against God are easily interpretable as Oedipal wish
fulfillment, as comforting illusions, and therefore, following Freud,
as beliefs and attitudes unworthy of a mature mind.
Diderot,
the great Encyclopaedist and an avowed atheist-indeed he is one of
the founding brothers of modern atheism-also had both Oedipal
preoccupation and insight. Freud approvingly quotes Diderot's
anticipatory observation:
If the little savage were left to himself, preserving all his foolishness and adding to the small sense of a child in the cradle the violent passions of a man of thirty, he would strangle his father and lie with his mother (from Le neveau de Rameau; quoted by Freud in Lecture XXI of his Introductory Lectures (1916- 1917), S.E., 16, pp. 331-338).
The Psychology of Atheism: The Theory of Defective Father
I
am well aware of the fact that there is good reason to give only
limited acceptance to Freud's Oedipal theory. In any case, it is my
view that although the Oedipus complex is valid for some, the theory
is far from being a universal representation of unconscious
motivation. Since there is need for deeper understanding of atheism
and since I don't know of any theoretical framework-except the
Oedipal one-I am forced to sketch out a model of my own, or really to
develop an undeveloped thesis of Freud. In his essay on Leonardo da
Vinci, Freud made the following remark:
Psychoanalysis, which has taught us the intimate connection between the father complex and belief in God, has shown us that the personal God is logically nothing but an exalted father, and dailydemonstrates to us how youthful persons lose their religious belief as soon as the authority of the father breaks down (Leonardo da Vinci, 1910, 1947 p. 98).
This
statement makes no assumptions about unconscious sexual desires for
the mother, or even about presumed universal competitive hatred
focused on the father. Instead he makes the simple easily
understandable claim that once a child or youth is disappointed in
and loses his or her respect for their earthly father, then belief in
their heavenly Father becomes impossible. There are, of course, many
ways that a father can lose his authority and seriously disappoint a
child. Some of these ways-for which clinical evidence is given
below-are:
- He can be present but obviously weak, cowardly, and unworthy of respect- even if otherwise pleasant or "nice."
- He can be present but physically, sexually, or psychologically abusive.
- He can be absent through death or by abandoning or leaving the family.
Taken
all together these proposed determinants of atheism will be called
the "defective father" hypothesis. To support the validity
of this approach, I will conclude by providing case history material
from the lives of prominent atheists, for it was in reading the
biographies of atheists that this hypothesis first struck me.
We
begin with Sigmund Freud's relationship to his father. That Freud's
father, Jacob, was a deep disappointment-or worse-is generally agreed
to by his biographers. (For the supporting biographical material on
Freud see, for example, Krull, 1979, and Vitz, 1983, 1986.)
Specifically, his father was a weak man unable to financially provide
for his family. Instead money for support seems to have been provided
by his wife's family and others. Furthermore, Freud's father was
passive in response to anti-Semitism. Freud recounts an episode told
to him by his father in which Jacob allowed an anti-Semite to call
him a dirty Jew and to knock his hat off. Young Sigmund, on hearing
the story, was mortified at his father's failure to respond, at his
weakness. Sigmund Freud was a complex and in many respects ambiguous
man, but all agree that he was a courageous fighter and that he
greatly admired courage in others. Sigmund, as a young man, several
times stood up physically against anti-Semitism- and, of course, he
was one of the greatest of intellectual fighters.
Jacob's
actions as a defective father, however, probably go still deeper.
Specifically, in two of his letters as an adult, Freud writes that
his father was a sexual pervert and that Jacob's own children
suffered from this. There are also other possible moral disasters
that I have not bothered to note.
The
connection of Jacob to God and religion was also present for his son.
Jacob was involved in a kind of reform Judaism when Freud was a
child, the two of them spent hours reading the Bible together, and
later Jacob became increasingly involved in reading the Talmud and in
discussing Jewish scripture. In short, this weak, rather passive
"nice guy," this schlemiel, was clearly connected to
Judaism and God, and also to a serious lack of courage and quite
possibly to sexual perversion and other weaknesses very painful to
young Sigmund.
Very
briefly, other famous atheists seem to have had a similar
relationship to their fathers. Karl Marx made it clear that he didn't
respect his father. An important part in this was that his father
converted to Christianity-not out of any religious conviction-but out
of a desire to make life easier. He assimilated for convenience. In
doing this Marx's father broke an old family tradition. He was the
first in his family who did not become a rabbi; indeed, Karl Marx
came from a long line of rabbis on both sides of his family.
Ludwig
Feuerbach's father did something that very easily could have deeply
hurt his son. When Feuerbach was about 13, his father left his family
and openly took up living with another woman in a different town.
This was in Germany in the early 1800s and such a public rejection
would have been a scandal and deeply rejecting to young Ludwig-and,
of course, to his mother and the other children.
Let
us jump 100 years or so and look at the life of one of America's best
known atheists-Madalyn Murray O'Hair. Here I will quote from her
son's recent book on what life was like in his family when he was a
child. (Murray, 1982) The book opens when he is 8-years-old: "We
rarely did anything together as a family. Hatred between my
grandfather and mother barred such wholesome scenes." (p. 7) He
writes that he really didn't know why his mother hated her father so
much-but hate him she did, for the opening chapter records a very
ugly fight in which she attempts to kill her father with a 10-inch
butcher knife. Madalyn failed but screamed, "I'll see you dead.
I'll get you yet. I'll walk on your grave!" (p. 8)
Whatever
the cause of O'Hair's intense hatred of her father, it is clear from
this book that it was deep and that it went back into her
childhood-and at least psychological (e.g. p. 11) and possibly
physical abuse is a plausible cause.
Besides
abuse, rejection, or cowardice, one way in which a father can be
seriously defective is simply by not being there. Many children, of
course, interpret death of their father as a kind of betrayal or an
act of desertion. In this respect it is remarkable that the pattern
of a dead father is so common in the lives of many prominent
atheists.
Baron
d'Holbach (born Paul Henri Thiry), the French rationalist and
probably the first public atheist, is apparently an orphan by the age
of 13 and living with his uncle. (From whom he took the new name
Holbach.) Bertrand Russell's father died when young Bertrand was
4-years-old; Nietzsche was the same age as Russell when he lost his
father; Sartre's father died before Sartre was born and Camus was a
year old when he lost his father. (The above biographical information
was taken from standard reference sources.) Obviously, much more
evidence needs to be obtained on the "defective father"
hypothesis. But the information already available is substantial; it
is unlikely to be an accident.
The
psychology of how a dead or nonexistent father could lay an emotional
base for atheism might not seem clear at first glance. But, after
all, if one's own father is absent or so weak as to die, or so
untrustworthy as to desert, then it is not hard to place the same
attribute on your heavenly Father.
Finally,
there is also the early personal experience of suffering, of death,
of evil, sometimes combined with anger at God for allowing it to
happen. Any early anger at God for the loss of a father and the
subsequent suffering is still another and different psychology of
unbelief, but one closely related to that of the defective father.
Some
of this psychology is captured in Russell Baker's recent
autobiography. (Baker, 1982) Russell Baker is the well-known
journalist and humorous writer for the New
York Times.
His father was taken to the hospital and died there suddenly when
young Russell was five. Baker wept and sorrowed and spoke to the
family housekeeper, Bessie:
. . . For the first time I thought seriously about God. Between sobs I told Bessie that if God could do things like this to people, then God was hateful and I had no more use for Him.
Bessie told me about the peace of Heaven and the joy of being among the angels and the happiness of my father who was already there. The argument failed to quiet my rage.
"God loves us all just like His own children," Bessie said.
"If God loves me, why did He make my father die?"
Bessie said that I would understand someday, but she was only partly right. That afternoon, though I couldn't have phrased it this way then, I decided that God was a lot less interested in people than anybody in Morrisonville was willing to admit. That day I decided that God was not entirely to be trusted.
After that I never cried again with any real conviction, nor expected much of anyone's God except indifference, nor loved deeply without fear that it would cost me dearly in pain. At the age of five I had become a skeptic . . . (Growing Up, p. 61).
Let
me conclude by noting that however prevalent the superficial motives
for being an atheist, there still remain in many instances the deep
and disturbing psychological sources as well. However easy it may be
to state the hypothesis of the "defective father," we must
not forget the difficulty, the pain, and complexity that lie behind
each individual case. And for those whose atheism has been
conditioned by a father who rejected, who denied, who hated, who
manipulated, or who physically or sexually abused them, there must be
understanding and compassion. Certainly for a child to be forced to
hate his own father-or even to despair because of his father's
weaknesses is a great tragedy. After all, the child only wants to
love his father. For any unbeliever whose atheism is grounded in such
experience, the believer, blessed by God's love, should pray most
especially that ultimately they will both meet in heaven. Meet and
embrace and experience great joy. If so, perhaps the former atheist
will experience even more joy than the believer. For, in addition to
the happiness of the believer, the atheist will have that extra
increment that comes from his surprise at finding himself surrounded
by joy in, of all places, his Father's house.
REFERENCES
Adler,
M. (1976). Philosopher
at large.
New York: Macmillan.
Adler,
M. (1980). How
to think about God: A guide to the twentieth century pagan.
New York: Macmillan.
Baker,
R. (1982). Growing
up.
New York: Congdon & Weed.
Feuerbach,
L. (1891/1957). The
essence of Christianity.
Ed. and abridged by E. G. Waring & F. W. Strothman. New York:
Ungar.
Freud,
S. (1910/1947). Leonardo
da Vinci,
New York: Random.
Freud,
S. (1927/1961). The
future of an illusion.
New York: Norton.
Freud
S. (1923/1962). The
ego and the id.
New York: Norton.
Freud
S. & Pfister, 0. (1963). Psychoanalysis
and faith: The letters of Sigmund Freud and Oskar Pfister.
New York: Basic.
Gedo,
J. E. & Pollock, G. H. (Eds.). (1967). Freud:
The fusion of science and humanism.
New York: International University.
Graddy,
W.E. (1982, June). The uncrossed bridge. New
Oxford Review,
23-24.
Krull,
M. (1979). Freud
und sein Vater.
Munich: Beck. Murray, W.J. (1982). My
life without God.
Nashville, TN: Nelson.
Vitz,
P.C. (1983). Sigmund Freud's attraction to Christianity: Biographical
evidence. Psychoanalysis
and Contemporary Thought,
6, 73-183.
Vitz,
P.C. (1986). Sigmund
Freud's Christian unconscious.
New York: Guilford, in press.
Vitz,
P.C. & Gartner, J. (1984a). Christianity and psychoanalysis, part
1: Jesus as the anti-Oedipus. Journal
of Psychology and Theology, 12,
4-14.
Vitz,
P.C., & Gartner, J. (1984b). Christianity and psychoanalysis,
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82-89.
FOOTNOTES
- Address: New York University, Department of Psychology, 6 Washington Place, New York 10003.
- I understand there is a sequel to the story of Adler. I've recently been told that about 2 years ago Adler became a Christian, and Anglican.
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